Very kindly she offered us a tour of the city, so we could see how it had been transformed, as she described, from a depopulating and extremely polluted industrial port, its very air poisoned by ammonia, with a town centre people would actively avoid due to the proximity of the dirty, filthy dangerous industry, to a local tourist draw with a blue flag beach, a public art programme, and very unusually for Latvia, a growing population. Many participants were surprised to realise that several of the organisations celebrated their tenth birthday last year. This was also the first time that the three Baltic states had been invited, but the decision to take part was not an easy one — local businessmen feared that the investment would not pay off. Free Riga began as an urban movement, springing up in as a counterbalance to the mainstream programme of Riga as a Capital of Culture in , with a group of young Riga residents drawing attention to the fact that one building in every five in the city was vacant, and yet there were still not enough venues for grass-roots cultural events.
This was also the first time that the three Baltic states had been invited, but the decision to take part was not an easy one — local businessmen feared that the investment would not pay off.
However, after year-long discussions, it was decided that their participation was a matter of national importance and funds were found for a temporary pavilion and exhibition that mostly focused on applied art. The magnificent Baltic pavilion won many awards and plaudits, and for the first time, at least according to the local press, it was possible to show the three small states as unique and non-Russian. The next major joint efforts by the Baltic States were born from the initiative of smaller active groups, and were spurred by the need to show the strength of their peoples under conditions where their states no longer existed: for example, by creating the Baltic University in exile a joint university for Estonians, Latvians and Lithuanians in a German refugee camps, in operation between andor by joining hands and standing in a line to achieve the restoration of independence.
This unity in times of trouble helped us: in the early s, we became Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania again, without any affixes, and had the chance to go our own way — Estonia to the north, Lithuania to the south, Latvia… to the west?
It was obvious that no one wanted to stand still — here in the East, in post-socialism, where, looking from Europe, everything was grey and simultaneously outdated and raw.
However, now it seems that the post-socialist condition, this transition from one system to another, where people attempt to deal with a difficult past and build a new future at the same time, leaving the present unattended, is gradually coming to an end. It seems that we are all slowly getting back — to here, to the Baltics. The younger generation which has grown up in an independent Estonia with the Western world open to them, are rejecting the narrative of the Eastern European as somehow a stigma, instead seeing the Baltic states as a special place, and looking at the socialist heritage as a peculiarity of the region see the article on soft Naftafirmade mitmekesistamise strateegia in this issue that attempts to define the urban social movements of the last 24OPTION TRADEN, led by activists born in the s and later.
The decision to move the pavilion from Arsenale to the Palasport sports hall that is brutally stuck in the middle of Venice, right next to the main exhibition area, served to underline the aspirations to show the unity and the extraordinariness of the region.
Lütfen çeviriye yardım edin:
Yet the eclectic exhibition tried to demonstrate the diversity of the region — we are one, but also three separate ones or a hundred, if you will. The exhibition carries the spirit of the younger generation, accepting of the Soviet heritage, because, in this context, it is on a par with the beatings of Baltic German overlords — it is all one history, the pain of which they have not felt personally.
It is the attractiveness and relevance of these two endeavours that moved U, all too often centred on Tallinn, to join forces with Deep Baltic and explore the urban issues of the region.
Because it is, after all, fascinating to explore how the Balts are once again finding unity at a time when new and clear lines of political power are forming worldwide. Simon Brown Lazy Trading System Baltic region has always been just a pawn in this game of chess.
Bob Volman Forex Scalping Strategy - Explained in Detail - PART II
After all, their slightly desperate attempt to exist for the West in all conceivable ways to be in the picture, to be a brand is understandable, as is the wish to be connected to Old Europe in a physical, even iron-clad way. Discussions on the construction of Rail Baltica, a railway track through the three countries and the biggest joint infrastructure programme in the history Simon Brown Lazy Trading System the Baltic states, are much too often concluded with a post-reindependence formulation: if you do not want what we are currently planning and we know there are errorsthen, basically, you should be prepared for a Russian invasion.
This use of fear-mongering to push through a badly conceived mega-project without due consideration is particularly sad considering the longevity of such structures.
Lütfen metinlerin düzeltilmesine yardımcı olun:
Despite the fact that here we often call ourselves the forest people, appreciate living in harmony with nature, going mushrooming and living in a countries that are among the richest in the world when it comes to forests, there are processes going on around us that go unnoticed by people who value our forests but live in cities.
One of the leaders of the Estonian forest protection movement, Linda-Mari Väli, publishes a piece of reportage about the double standards of Estonian national forestry policy and this same issue of the forests is continued on a regional scale by Kārlis Bērziņš, who uses visuals to show how land use in the Baltic states has changed since the end of the Soviet Union.
And the local forest people are indeed becoming urbanised.
However, urbanisation does not automatically mean that all our cities are doing Simon Brown Lazy Trading System well now, with people flowing in and everything growing.
Instead, the status of cities is determined by demographic and geographical factors and processes, which are not very favourable for most cities today — in the Baltic states, only a small number of cities have a growing population.
Another urban story is offered by Jonas Büchel and Will Mawhood in their visual and literary journey along what would have been the first metro line in the Baltic states, in Riga.
A year-old white male presented with leg pain and swelling, tachycardia, and pleuritic chest pain. He had no significant medical history.
It was planned but never built, just as we have not been able to witness a blazing rebirth of Riga, the once-magnificent regional centre with a population of nearly a million. Baltic cities are still located in a thicket between the West and the East, connected to Europe through the Baltic Sea, and forever tied to Russia by land. Arriving here mentally will take time but we have started somewhere.
So congratulations to us all, because soon we will be at the centre — right between east and west! You should also be congratulated on obtaining a very special collaborative magazine, because this is the first printed issue of Deep Baltic and possibly the last of U.
A round of applause, please! We take a bow and bow out. U19 — Deep Baltic editorial board Deep Baltic is an independent online magazine which runs weekly cultural, historical and travel features about Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. It was founded in October Outside the capital, which does have its concentration of big businesses and tourist draws, this is unusual.
For Latvia, as the poorest country in the Baltics, one of the poorest in the European Union, as one hit extremely hard by the financial crisis — and whose return to growth owed a lot to driving down living standards — this means a lot. What if there was a future other than managed decline and emigration? Frequently, in discussions with people about the depopulation and decline of their town, and what they can do about it, they will point to Ventspils as an example of what could be done.
Simultaneously with being considered the best managed city, it is considered to be the most corrupt city in Latvia, with its long serving Mayor and former head of the local Communist Party, Aivars Lembergs, seemingly perpetually under investigation for dubious deals and kickbacks, although it has never resulted in him actually being prosecuted — or losing an election.
I had the unexpected pleasure of a tour of the city from its city architect in summera surreal experience of a city managed as a combination of industrial company town, theme park and children's playground.
If Kaubandusvoimaluste eeskirjad more like Ventspils is a possible solution to the rather sad, worn look of many Latvian towns, it is worth finding out exactly what the alternative is — and how they managed to fund it.
Ventspils' history can be read in the glossy guidebook published by the city council, a contemporary equivalent of the Progress Publishers Guides that would tell you about the achievements of the Soviet republican capitals. The history told therein is the usual attempt to create a monoethnic narrative out of Kurzeme, once the multicultural imperial province of Kurland, shifting between the land of the ancient Livonians, to the Grand Duchy — a German governed autonomous part of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, whose fleet once claimed colonies in West Africa and the Caribbean — though the Russian Empire Simon Brown Lazy Trading System independence.
More controversial matters are avoided, from the revolution, when Ventspils — Windau, Vindava — erupted, like all of Kurland, in a ferocious socialist uprising, before being brutally pacified by Tsarist troops — to the brief Latvian Soviet Republic.
Get latest updates about Open Source Projects, Conferences and News.
The silence extends to the Holocaust, when Kurzeme's large Jewish population was exterminated, largely by the Latvian Auxiliary Police.
History then leaps fromand the flight of the liberal Latvian Central Council to Stockholm, to the s environmental movement that would lead, uniquely, to independence.
As a narrative, there's nothing in the story that Ventspils tells about itself that could possibly offend a Latvian nationalist. In the s, an oil terminal was built here with the assistance of the American investor Armand Hammer and his company Occidental Petroleum, for the export of fossil fuels from the Soviet interior through the Baltic to northwestern Europe.
The large Free Port of Ventspils Simon Brown Lazy Trading System still based around this, and it has been a Special Economic Zone sinceduring which it has become a highly profitable capitalist enterprise. It is the Oil Terminal that first makes it obvious quite what sort of a town you are in, on arrival from the bus station.
Nearby is a small square, built around the Lutheran Church, a diminutive piece of Petersburgian classicism, and an ensemble of little houses, wood and stucco, leading down to the historic market square.
As you step down towards the market, you can't help but see the Terminal — a continuous metal conduit, stained red and black, suspended on tiny little metal struts, connected by pipes and gantries to domed containers, leading further to spindly, rusty cranes, and in the middle of all of this, dwarfed, a couple of grimy, late 19th century dock buildings.
The sudden shift from the Lilliputian scale of the houses and the church to this Constructivist monster is the most remarkable thing in the town, and a constant reminder of what exactly it revolves around. In front of it, dotted along the quayside promenade, and the passenger port that can take you to Sweden, North Germany, Denmark, is a series of fibreglass cows.